JUNE 7 — If you hear someone say that it’s not the Constitution but
some other factor that determines a political reality in Malaysia… it’s
the Constitution!
These days, correcting eminent Malaysian professors is becoming a
tedious sport for Malaysian writers. One such professor has recently
said that the prime minister of Malaysia must be a Malay-Muslim even
though there is no article in the Federal Constitution that prevents
non-Malays from holding the post because the majority of the country’s
citizens are Malays.
He said that everyone must accept the reality that Malays were the
natives of Tanah Melayu, Malaysia’s name before independence, and that
the Malays formed the majority in the country.
“Even the British recognised Malaysia as the ‘Malay States’ before it
achieved independence. From a historical perspective, the highest
rulers of the land before independence were the Malay kings who were
Muslims,” he said.
Goodbye to feudalism
Our historian professors do not seem to be versed in the rule of law or international human rights instruments.
When we became independent of the British colonial power in 1957, we
inherited a Federal Constitution that laid down in no uncertain terms
not only the separation of powers between the executive, legislature and
the judiciary but also the fundamental liberties of all Malaysian
citizens.
Among our fundamental liberties, Article 8 provides that all persons
are equal before the law and entitled to equal protection. According to
Article 43 (2) (a):
“the Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall first appoint as prime minister to
preside over the Cabinet a member of the House of representatives who in
his judgement is likely to command the confidence of the majority of
the members of that House;…”
It is a sad and shocking indictment of our nation that, after 55
years of independence, a non-Malay leader cannot (or can never?) command
the confidence of the majority of the members of parliament.
Secondly, civil and political rights are well-established as
fundamental human rights under international law. Article 25 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) stipulates
that “every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity... without
unreasonable restrictions to take part in the conduct of public affairs,
directly or through freely chosen representatives.”
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to
National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities reinforces the
European Convention. Article 2 of the declaration states that “persons
belonging to minorities have the right to participate effectively in
decisions on the national and, where appropriate, regional level
concerning the minority to which they belong or the regions in which
they live, in a manner not incompatible with national legislation.”
Ethnic minority leadership
The election of Barack Obama as the 44th president of The United
States was a sign that racial equality had finally been reached despite
the fact that black Americans remain a minority and they were not the
“original people” of the United States.
In a modern state like Malaysia, a prime minister only needs to be
non-partisan and span traditional boundaries and build coalitions among
diverse groups to accomplish the desired goal of the nation.
Leadership in a multicultural society such as Malaysia requires
multicultural leadership by a prime minister who can provide various
avenues for the multi-ethnic population to connect with him or her.
In this modern era of leadership all over the world, many barriers
and boundaries are being broken.
New leaders are appearing who are less
hindered by their predecessors and are finding ways to be effective
leaders without being duplicates of those who came before them. These
boundaries are not necessarily only those surrounding ethnicity but
include gender and sexual differences.
Beware the co-option strategy
In almost every ethno-nationalist conflict the dominant group not
only suppress the ethnic minorities by coercion but also use reward and
co-option strategy to placate the minority groups. The Alliance Formula
at Malaya’s independence is a clear example. For this purpose the
dominant group select some elites from the subordinate groups and offer
them ministerial positions in the Cabinet.
It has also been noted that the containment of Sikh ethno-nationalism
in India is another example of this phenomena. Note how India has
accepted a Sikh as a prime minister and also of other high offices in
India.
Nevertheless, the fact remains that a country with a rich and longer
feudal history such as India is prepared to accept a member of an ethnic
minority as prime minister. After all, what’s all the fuss about? They
are merely going by what is in the Indian Constitution!
No comments:
Post a Comment